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New Form of Resistance
By Yeidy Rosa
hen Luis Zanón decided to abandon the ceramic factory in Argentina’s southern province of Neuquén over which his family had held legal ownership since 1984, the factory’s debt was more than $170 million. Following Argentina’s economic collapse in 2001, the Zanón family left the country, accessing foreign accounts that had accumulated millions, and presumably leaving the factory to become a forgotten warehouse with broken windows, overgrown weeds and rusty machinery.
But 266 out of the 331 employees of the Zanón factory, some of who had worked there for more than 15 years, and all of whom were owed months in back pay, had a more creative response. They would continue going to work everyday, producing the tiles and running the factory they had built. In place of the strike, where labor is withheld in protest, Zanón workers opted for re-inventing forms of labor and counterpower, where organizing emerged out of participation in what was lived, not planned.
Today, the recovered factory movement, Argentina’s addition to the repertoire of resistance, includes more than 200 businesses that have been successfully producing without owners or bosses, employing more than 10,000 otherwise unemployed or underemployed workers. Threats of eviction, kidnapings, police violence, terrorizing by hired gangs, direct opposition from local politicians and apathy on the part of Argentina’s current president, Néstor Kirchner, are constant reminders of a weak transition to democracy from the military regime that ruled Argentina from 1976 until 1983.
As workers struggle to gain legal status for their cooperatives and full expropriation of the factories within a court system designed to protect private property, a network of solidarity has formed strong links despite the state’s repressive apparatus. What is left is a laboratory of democracy within the factories and their surrounding communities, where a concrete alternative to corporate capitalism has redefined success as the creation of work and social inclusion, rather than a measurement of profits.
Crisis of 2001
Over the next two days, mass protests and demonstrations were staged by groups of workers and large sections of the (now former) middle class, as a shocked nation poured onto the streets of all its major cities. Over the next week, the populace forced out a total of four presidents. By refusing to wait until the next election to vote the president out, the citizens of Argentina exercised horizontal accountability in its ultimate form. “¡Que se vayan todos!”( “They must all go!”) was the popular cry. Argentina was holding accountable not only individual politicians, but the system itself. Notwithstanding, the country was left devastated, as police repression left 35 dead, thousands wounded and another 4,500 imprisoned. Shortly after, civil society spontaneously organized popular assemblies and elaborate barter systems termed trueque, and the piquetero movement of unemployed workers organized protests throughout the country.
The pattern is typical: The owner, after a period of cutting back on worker wages and benefits in order to cut on costs and minimize debt, locks out workers and abandons the property, perhaps filing bankruptcy and liquidating other assets in order to salvage whatever s/he can.
The workers, defending their jobs and self-determination, organize and prepare to occupy the property, opting to get the factory running, rather than be unemployed. Working together with other organized sectors of the community, the workers gain support from students, unions and members of the unemployed worker’s movement known as piqueteros. Together, they stage demonstrations, camp out on the property and produce literature regarding their struggle.
The space is then recovered and production begins. When state forces attempt to evict the workers, the aforementioned groups unite and collectively prevent police entry, defending their jobs. The internal organization of the factories is based on horizontalism, direct democracy and autonomy.
This process is not limited to factories, as other recovered workspaces include clinics, book publishers, hotels, supermarkets and bakeries. A working-class solution and successful act of resistance, it has not come with ease and does not enjoy certainty or security. Legal attacks, death threats and physical harm have come to workers at many of the 200 recuperated businesses producing without bosses, owners or foremen since idle workplaces began to be taken over in the late 1990s. Yet of those recovered since the 2001 economic crisis, which left 3,900 bankrupt factories in Buenos Aires alone, 60 percent have taken on more personnel, employees earn more, and production is higher than at the time of abandonment.
Though unique circumstances surround each case, the dominant pattern within recovered factories is the practice of direct democracy and direct action, where decisions are made in a general assembly and where each worker has a vote and a voice. Some are demanding to be recognized as co-operatives while others want state ownership, but all demand a say in what happens to the bankrupt businesses.
Perhaps the most crucial issue the movement has brought to light is that of legitimate ownership: What claims do workers have over factories and the machinery within them, and how does this challenge normative notions of private property? This takes on a particular relevance, since part of Ménem’s neo-liberal policies was to heavily subsidize businesses such as those recovered today. In this way, the factories were built and run with public funds and on public land, leading community members to consider that it has been they who have subsidized the factories and the machines therein.
Though the government of Argentina gave many recovered businesses temporary two-year permits to function, these have all expired. The Federal Supreme Court of Argentina has ordered the eviction of workers, offering instead government-sponsored micro-enterprise projects for 150 pesos a week (roughly US$50). In the recovered factory, where all workers are paid equally, a worker may earn up to 800 pesos. The workers’ response has been to lobby the courts to declare the factories bankrupt and recognize the workers’ administration as legitimate and legal. Within the present legal limbo, it is impossible for workers to secure bank loans for machinery repair or replacement costs. In defending the autonomous running of their workplace, the workers are also petitioning the courts for a one-time government subsidy of US$5,000 per job in order to cover start-up costs.
Since the workers recovered the factory, working relationships have been reinvented; elected committees oversee the running of the factory and all decisions are made in assembly on general consensus, everyone has the right to be heard, every worker has a vote, all workers are paid equally, there have been no occupational health and safety crises, there have been 170 new hires as of April 2005, production is higher than when the Zanón family locked out the workers, and the tiles now have Mapuche names in honor of the factory’s neighbors and allies.
The workers keep the community informed and involved, and a space has been created within the factory for meetings, art exhibits, musical events and community gatherings. The FaSinPat workers have resisted five eviction attempts with the solidarity and help of the Mapuche, neighbors, students, workers from the piquetero movement, the prisoners of the nearby Prison #11 (who, while imprisoned, shared their food rations with workers when they initially recovered Zanón) and the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo. (The last-named are the mothers and grandmothers of some of the 35,000 students, workers, union organizers and activists disappeared during the “Dirty War” waged by the military dictatorship of 1976-1983. They have marched in Buenos Aires’ central Plaza de Mayo since 1977, demanding to know the fates of their loved ones, whose names they have written on the handkerchiefs covering their heads.) Each eviction attempt has been ordered by the Federal Supreme Court and, each time, the police have been met by thousands of people defending the workers. But the eviction attempts have become increasingly violent, and last March 4, a worker was kidnaped and tortured in a green Ford Falcon, the same make and model security operatives used during the Dirty War.
For one week this past April, bids were accepted in a process called “cram down,” in which competitive bids to buy the factory and proposals for paying back the debt were accepted as a court-ordered alternative to declaring the company bankrupt. When the week passed and nobody had placed a bid, the workers at FaSinPat considered it a step forward in their struggle to be legally recognized as a cooperative. But the judge who announced the cram down suddenly made an exception, accepting a bid that came in after the deadline. The bid came from a company named Ocabamba SA. Its owners are the son and wife of Luis Zanón.
Shortly after his election in 2003, President Kirchner was visited by IMF Managing Director Rodrigo Rato. During the visit Rato said to Kirchner, “At the IMF we have a problem called Argentina.” Kirchner replied, “I have a problem called 15 million poor people.” Perhaps now, what is needed is for President Kirchner to act on the human rights platform he ran on.
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What You Can Do
Yeidy Rosa has a Master’s Degree is Human Rights with a specialty in Latin America. She is currently the Administrative Associate in the WRL National Office.
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