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Pentagon
Dirty Bombs Hit Home
It’s Not Just Iraq
By Steve Taylor
sing
the war in Iraq as cover, the Pentagon has launched a deadly new assault
on the nation’s health and on the environmental laws that protect us and
our planet from toxic pollution and ecological disaster.
The Department of Defense is again demanding sweeping new exemptions
from critical public health and environmental laws, despite the fact that
the exemptions are not even necessary for the Pentagon to achieve its
own goals. Already rejected once by Congress, the exemptions would expose
hundreds or thousands of communities to military-generated poisons and
would hasten the extinction of endangered species and lead to the death
of large numbers of whales and other marine mammals.
At the beginning of March, the Pentagon released its proposed National
Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2004, which contains five new
exemptions covering millions of acres of military lands and waters and
vast arrays of military activities. The Department of Defense and its
allies in Congress are pushing hard to pass these exemptions in the next
few weeks while the country is at war and military popularity is high.
Organizing
for Accountability
Communities, veterans and tribes poisoned by military toxins began trying
several years ago to hold the U.S. government accountable for the damage
it does to our environment and our families in the name of national defense.
Grassroots organizing, combined with administrative and legal actions
by national environmental organizations, led to significant victories
that forced the Pentagon to spend large amounts of money and time addressing
toxic contamination and pollution.
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Open
burning and detonation of munitions at the Sierra Army Depot in
California. Photo:
Military Toxics Project
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In 1992, the Federal Facility Compliance Act removed the Pentagon’s immunity
from federal hazardous waste laws and gave communities new tools to force
military accountability for environmental and human health damage. Since
then, communities, states and Environmental Protection Agency regions
have brought actions against the Pentagon at the Massachusetts Military
Reservation under the Safe Drinking Water Act and the Resource Conservation
and Recovery Act; at Fort Richardson, AK, under the Clean Water Act; in
the Marianas Islands under the Migratory Bird Treaty Act; at Fort Ord,
CA, under the Superfund law; and at a number of sites under the Endangered
Species Act. Case by case, the activists forced the Department of Defense
to stop toxic exposures, investigate and clean up contamination, and allow
public involvement in decision-making.
Like most polluters, the Department of Defense reacted to those environmental
victories by running to Congress. The Pentagon initially demanded restoration
of its exemptions from the laws. Last year, a coalition of the hardest-hit
communities and national environmental organizations beat back a Defense
Department push for broad new exemptions; now the department has launched
a comprehensive attack on the laws and regulations and their enforcement.
An internal department briefing paper calls for a new legislative push
combined with “equally aggressive pursuit of regulatory and administrative
clarification.” The memo outlines a three-year campaign to win new military
exemptions from both environmental and public health laws through legislation
and regulatory rollbacks.
The campaign kicked off in March with the Pentagon’s FY 2004 Defense
Authorization bill, which contains specific exemptions from five federal
laws: the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act, which governs hazardous
waste; the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation and Liability
Act, called the Superfund law, which governs cleanup of toxic sites; and
the Clean Air Act, the Endangered Species Act and the Marine Mammal Protection
Act.
- The Resource Conservation and Recovery Act is the primary U.S. law
governing solid and hazardous waste; the Comprehensive Environmental
Response, Compensation and Liability Act—the Superfund law—governs investigation
and cleanup of sites contaminated with hazardous and toxic substances.
The Defense proposal would exempt military munitions—including chemical
weapons—and the toxic contamination they generate from virtually any
federal or state oversight at all at “operational” ranges (a vague Pentagon
term that includes dozens of ranges that have been closed for decades)
and at hundreds of other sites as well. If the Pentagon proposals become
law, contamination by munitions-related toxins such as perchlorate,
explosives and heavy metals could build up for years or decades and
poison soil, air and groundwater before the Environmental Protection
Agency or states could take any action.
- The Clean Air Act requires states to analyze pollution and develop
plans to comply with federal air quality standards. The Pentagon proposal
attempts to exempt the military permanently from conforming to federal
or state air quality implementation plans for a broad range of activities.
The Pentagon proposal would actually define dirty air as clean air by
allowing the Environmental Protection Agency to approve areas as if
they had attained Clean Air Act standards, even though the areas have
not attained those standards, if the reason for the failure is military-generated
air pollution.
- The Endangered Species Act provides a critical safety net for species
in danger of extinction by preserving “critical habitat” essential to
the survival of those species. The Defense proposal would block the
designation of critical habitat on any military lands for which the
department has prepared an Integrated Natural Resources Management Plan.
However, those plans do not contain scientific standards for the protection
of wildlife and have been shown to be inadequate to protect species.
- The Marine Mammal Protection Act is our nation’s leading statute for
the conservation of whales, dolphins, sea otters and other vulnerable
marine species. The Pentagon’s proposal would (a) create a major loophole
in the law’s definition of “harassment,” allowing a range of military
activities that disrupt and harm marine mammals; (b) eliminate the requirement
that any killing of marine mammals be limited to “small numbers”; and
(c) create broad exemptions allowing the military to bypass the law’s
review process entirely.
The Defense proposal was introduced despite widespread opposition by
communities, states and other federal agencies. Over the past two years,
33 state attorneys general—along with dozens of local, regional and national
environmental and public health organizations and communities affected
by military contamination—have opposed the Pentagon’s demand for exemptions.
The National Park Service warned that the Defense exemptions would cause
“substantial degradation of natural resources.” EPA Administrator and
former New Jersey governor Christie Whitman testified recently that she
did not believe that environmental laws are having a deleterious impact
on military training; and last June, the General Accounting Office reported
that the Pentagon had not produced quantitative evidence that environmental
laws were hampering its readiness for war and that the Department’s own
reports showed that troop readiness remains high. The Defense Department
proposed exemptions again this year without providing either a review
of training capabilities and readiness or a plan to use existing waiver
provisions as demanded last year by Congress.
What’s the
Damage?
The Pentagon has a long history of first denying that its operations will
endanger the health of military personnel and neighbors, then opposing
protective measures demanded by communities after contamination is documented.
Extensive toxic contamination both on and off Department of Defense facilities
and the history of the Pentagon’s refusal to respect the health and environmental
consequences of its operations demonstrate that it’s unlikely that the
Pentagon will control or clean up after itself without independent oversight.
But the Department of Defense seeks to block the use of the very tools
that communities and states have employed to protect themselves in the
face of its denials and stonewalling. It seems clear that at federal facilities
in general, and Department of Defense facilities in particular, neither
the Environmental Protection Agency nor communities will be able to protect
environmental and public health without the means to enforce compliance.
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Federal
Facility Compliance
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| With
Resource Conservation and Recovery Act (penalizes all noncompliants) |
With Clean Water Act (exempts noncompliant federal agencies)
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| FY
1993—94.2% |
FY 1993—55.4% |
|
FY 1998—61.5% |
FY
2000—93.6% |
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The Pentagon is responsible for more than 28,500 contaminated sites that
will cost at least $39 billion to clean up. Up to 16 million acres of
land already transferred to other agencies and the public may be contaminated
with unexploded ordnance and toxic munitions constituents. Department
of Defense facilities account for 129 of the 165 federal facilities on
the Superfund National Priorities List. The Department accounted for 71
percent of EPA enforcement actions against federal agencies in FY1997;
in the same year, 79 of the 124 federal facilities reporting to the Toxic
Release Inventory were military facilities.
More evidence for the need for independent oversight and accountability
is found in reports of federal agencies’ rates of compliance with major
environmental laws. In 1992, Congress completely and unequivocally waived
federal immunity from the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act, making
federal agencies subject to penalties for violations of that law. In contrast,
federal facilities continue to be immune from penalties for violating
the Clean Water Act. Federal compliance with the Resource Conservation
and Recovery Act has since risen dramatically (and actually rose above
the compliance rate of non-federal facilities), while compliance with
the Clean Water Act has plummeted.
Pentagon compliance with the Clean Water Act is even worse than for the
federal government as a whole. In 1999, the EPA found that the Navy had
violated its Clean Water Act National Pollution Discharge Elimination
System permit to discharge ordnance into waters around the island of Vieques
102 times in five years. The Marine Corps’ Camp Pendleton in California
accumulated more than 14,000 violations for water discharge and inadequate
monitoring and reporting and spilled three million gallons of raw sewage
into the Santa Margarita River and lagoon.
The Pentagon’s resistance to complying with environmental/public health
laws is not limited to the Clean Water Act. The Department of Defense
has:
- refused to pay penalties for violations of state requirements regarding
underground storage tanks;
- challenged the EPA’s attempt to calculate penalties for Clean Air
Act violations at military facilities in the same manner as for private
facilities;
- opposed attempts by the EPA and states to require that the Department
take responsibility for maintaining institutional controls (deed restrictions,
fences and other tools used in place of complete cleanup) at contaminated
sites;
- fought particularly hard against state authority to regulate cleanup
of contamination at federal facilities; and
- attempted to assert its immunity from public health and environmental
laws at every opportunity.
What You
Can Do
The Department of Defense is pushing hard to move its exemptions through
Congress in the next few weeks—and many environmental and health activists
are working to persuade Congress to reject the demands. They urge people
who care about the environment to call, fax or e-mail their representatives
and insist that no individual and no federal department be declared above
the law—quickly, before the Pentagon destroys its own country and half
the animals on the planet along with the nations on its long list of enemies.
To get in touch with your representatives in Congress: Senate—www.senate.gov;
House of Representatives—(202)224-3121 or www.house.gov;
database of names, phone numbers and e-mail addresses of all members of
Congress—www. visi.com/juan/congress.
The Military Toxics Project, a Maine-based national network of neighborhood,
veteran, environmental and peace groups opposing military contamination
and pollution, has sample letters and extensive background materials available
on the Department of Defense proposals and the impact they would have
on communities. The project also puts out an e-mail action alert. You
can reach it at P.O. Box 558, Lewiston, ME 04243; (207)783-5091; mtp@miltoxproj.org;
www.miltoxproj.org.
Steve Taylor is a National Organizer for the Military Toxics Project
in Lewiston, ME.
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More
Bucks for Their Bang
Median
CEO pay at the 37 largest military contractors rose 79 percent from
2001 to 2002, while overall CEO pay climbed only six percent, says
a new report from United for a Fair Economy. “More Bucks for the
Bang: CEO Pay at Top Defense Contractors,” by Chris Hartman and
David Martin, reveals that median pay was 45 percent higher in 2002
at military contractors than at the 365 large companies surveyed
by Business Week magazine. The typical U.S. CEO made $3.7 million
in 2002, while the typical military industry CEO got $5.4 million.
The jump in pay for military industry CEOs far exceeded the increase
in military spending, which rose 14 percent from 2001 to 2002. Looking
at it another way, in 2002 the average CEO at major military contractors
made $11,297,548, 577 times as much as an army private ($19,585)
and more than 28 times as much as the Commander in Chief ($400,000).
The study also looked at the size of campaign contributions by the
largest military contractors and found a strong correlation between
campaign contributions made by a company in the 2000 and 2002 election
cycles and the value of military contracts awarded to that company.
Ninety percent of the difference in contract size can be accounted
for by size of contributions. For example, top weapons contractor
Lockheed Martin was also the top campaign contributor among military
firms. The 37 companies included in the CEO pay study were all the
publicly traded corporations with at least $1 billion in total military
contracts from 2000 through 2002. The list includes well-known military
contractors like Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Raytheon, Northrop Grumman,
and General Dynamics, as well as some companies not usually associated
with military spending, such as FedEx and Dell Computer. Compensation
was defined as salary, bonus, “other compensation,” restricted stock
awards, long-term incentive payouts and the value realized from
the exercise of stock options. The publisher of the study, United
for a Fair Economy, is a national, independent non-profit spotlighting
growing economic inequality and advocating shared prosperity. The
report is on the web at www.FairEconomy.org.
Hard copies are available upon request. For more information write
or call UFE at 37 Temple Pl., 2nd fl., Boston, MA 02111; (617)423-2148,
fax, (617)423-0191; info@faireconomy.org.
—United
for a Fair Economy
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